by David Pepper
Temporary Video: https://davidpepper.substack.com/p/how-you-can-help-save-democracy
Laboratories of Autocracy walked through the hidden breadth, depth, and intensity of the countrywide attack on democracy. The final chapters outlined thirty steps necessary to fight back. One of the most common responses from readers was—“I skipped to the end. I wanted to get to the solutions.”
Saving Democracy is the companion book that skips to the end:
- It details how we all can and must play a role in saving democracy at this fraught time.
- It explains how all levels of the pro-democracy side, from national political leaders to grassroots activists to everyday Americans, must switch to offense.
- It explains how to stay on offense and win on offense. Immediately, and everywhere.
But it doesn’t do this at 30,000 feet.
It’s a user’s manual, intended to spur action. Your action. After a quick review of the true battle for democracy we are engaged in, each chapter explains how YOU, the reader, can and must play the leading role in lifting democracy. It details the concrete steps individuals and groups can take where you live, lists resources that can help along the way, and offers case studies and best practices that have worked elsewhere.
Saving Democracy is structured to challenge and guide each reader—no matter your role in your community or politics or where you work—on how you each can play a more active and effective role in lifting democracy than you might have imagined. Over the course of the book, you will construct your own personal plan to fight for democracy. And when you’re finished, you’ll be ready to get to work.
https://www.amazon.com/Saving-Democracy-Users-Manual-American/dp/1662938217/
Contents
Introduction
The introduction of "Saving Democracy: A User's Manual for Every American" sets the stage for the book's purpose, which is to provide a comprehensive guide for individuals who want to actively engage in saving and strengthening democracy in the United States. It highlights the importance of citizen participation in preserving democratic values and lays out the key themes and strategies that will be explored throughout the book.
Chapter 1: The Two Battles
In this chapter, the author introduces the concept of the two battles that democracy faces. The first battle involves defending democracy from external threats, such as foreign interference and cyber attacks. The second battle involves addressing internal challenges, including voter suppression, gerrymandering, and misinformation. The chapter emphasizes the need to understand and actively engage in both battles to safeguard democracy effectively.
Chapter 2: Reframing the Battle-Democracy Itself
Chapter 2 explores the importance of reframing the narrative around democracy. It encourages readers to view democracy not as a static concept but as an ongoing process that requires constant participation and vigilance. The chapter discusses the need to reinvigorate democratic ideals and engage in meaningful conversations about the value and relevance of democracy in today's society.
Chapter 3: Scaling Up: Dedicating Your Entire Footprint to Fight for Democracy
This chapter delves into the idea of dedicating one's entire footprint to the fight for democracy. It encourages readers to expand their influence and impact by leveraging their skills, resources, and networks to promote democratic values. The chapter provides practical strategies for individuals to amplify their efforts and make a substantial difference in preserving and strengthening democracy.
Chapter 4: (Re-)Engaging Voters on a Massive Scale
Chapter 4 focuses on the critical task of (re-)engaging voters on a massive scale. It highlights the importance of voter participation and outlines various approaches to mobilizing and empowering voters. The chapter discusses strategies such as voter education, community organizing, and increasing accessibility to ensure that every eligible citizen has the opportunity to exercise their right to vote.
Chapter 5: Democracy Everywhere. Accountability Everywhere. Run Everywhere!
This chapter advocates for expanding democracy beyond elections and governmental structures. It emphasizes the need for democratic practices and accountability in various aspects of society, including businesses, organizations, and communities. The chapter encourages individuals to actively participate in leadership roles and run for office at all levels to promote democratic values and drive positive change.
Chapter 6: Denying Deniers: Protecting Election Integrity & Voters on Front Lines
Chapter 6 addresses the challenges posed by election deniers and the importance of protecting election integrity. It explores strategies to counter misinformation, ensure secure elections, and safeguard the rights of voters. The chapter emphasizes the role of grassroots activism and individual engagement in defending the democratic process from attacks and attempts to undermine its legitimacy.
Chapter 7: Messaging: Going on Offense for Democracy
Messaging plays a crucial role in shaping public opinion and mobilizing support for democracy. Chapter 7 delves into effective messaging strategies for promoting democratic ideals and countering disinformation. It provides guidance on crafting compelling narratives, engaging with diverse audiences, and effectively communicating the importance of democratic values and institutions.
Chapter 8: Statehouse Advocacy: "You are more POWERFUL than you think"
This chapter focuses on the significance of statehouse advocacy in advancing democracy. It highlights the impact of local and state-level policies on people's lives and emphasizes the power of individual citizens to influence legislative decisions. The chapter provides practical guidance on effective advocacy techniques, building coalitions, and maximizing impact at the state level.
Chapter 9: Fighting Censorship and "Memory Laws"
Chapter 9 explores the challenges posed by censorship and the erosion of historical truth. It discusses the importance of defending free speech and countering efforts to suppress information and manipulate public memory. The chapter provides strategies for promoting open dialogue, fact-checking, and combating attempts to rewrite history, highlighting the vital role individuals play in preserving democratic values.
Chapter 10: Joining Forces-Combining Footprints
In this chapter, the author emphasizes the power of collective action in safeguarding democracy. It explores the benefits and challenges of joining forces with like-minded individuals, organizations, and movements to amplify impact and create meaningful change. The chapter provides insights into effective collaboration, coalition-building, and leveraging collective resources to strengthen democracy.
Chapter 11: Put Your Money Where Democracy Is
Chapter 11 highlights the significance of financial contributions in supporting democratic causes. It discusses the role of campaign financing, philanthropy, and grassroots fundraising in advancing democracy. The chapter provides practical advice on making strategic donations, supporting candidates and organizations aligned with democratic values, and leveraging financial resources for maximum impact.
Chapter 12: The Big Stuff
This chapter tackles major systemic issues that impact democracy. It delves into topics such as campaign finance reform, redistricting, and constitutional amendments, highlighting the need for comprehensive structural changes to strengthen democratic institutions. The chapter encourages readers to engage with these complex issues, advocate for reforms, and contribute to the long-term sustainability of democracy.
Go Time: "What Are You Going to Do?"
This section serves as a call to action, urging readers to reflect on the strategies and ideas presented throughout the book and take meaningful steps to protect and promote democracy. It encourages individuals to identify their unique roles and contributions, set goals, and commit to specific actions that will make a difference in the fight for democracy.
An Ongoing Conversation:
The book concludes with the idea that the conversation on saving democracy is ongoing. It emphasizes the need for continued engagement, learning, and adaptation in the face of evolving challenges. The chapter encourages readers to stay informed, connected, and active participants in the ongoing effort to preserve and strengthen democracy for future generations.
This summary generated by ChatGPT, try free here:
http://openai.com/
The former Ohio Democratic Party chair wants everyday Democrats to focus on their own backyards instead of just the woes of Washington. “The front line of the attack on democracy is not far from where you live,” he tells Vanity Fair ahead of the release of his forthcoming book, Saving Democracy.
By Eric Lutz
Voters booted Donald Trump from office in 2020, and they also rejected several of his handpicked candidates in subsequent elections—including last fall’s midterms. But Trump’s threat to democracy hasn’t disappeared, as former Ohio Democratic Party chair David Pepper writes in his new book. In fact, the country, he argues, is still in a “downward spiral of extremism,” which is being fueled by anti-democracy Republicans who have spent years entrenching themselves in state governments while Democrats focused on national races.
The bad news: Some of the GOP attacks are making a big dent—especially in red states, which are morphing into what Pepper described in his last book as “laboratories of autocracy.” The good news: More Americans seem to be waking up to the threats that are undermining a system that has too often been taken for granted. “There is momentum to build on,” Pepper told me ahead of the Wednesday release of Saving Democracy, his “user’s manual” for everyday citizens to combat Trump’s and other antidemocratic leaders’ recent efforts to subvert the will of the people.
In an interview, which has been edited for clarity and length, Pepper talked about those threats and what pro-democracy Americans—Team D, as he calls them in the book—can do to safeguard institutions against subversion and start “running up the score for democracy.” The bottom line: Democrats need to go on offense, and everyday Americans need to get even more engaged in what he describes in his book as the “never-ending battle” for democracy.
“The front line of the attack on democracy is not far from where you live,” he told me. “I don’t care if you’re in a blue state or a red state. It’s in your local area.”
..................................
Eric Lutz: Your last book, in 2021, presents a pretty stark view of the threats to democracy and the way it's been systematically undermined, particularly at the state level. And I’m wondering, in the two years since, where do you think things stand now? Obviously, these attacks have always been there—and always will be, as you write—and there’s a lot of push and pull. But on balance, has the system been bolstered over those last two years or further weakened?
David Pepper: I wrote this book to give some optimism. But I also will say that a lot of what I feared would happen in the first book is exactly what’s happening, which is that the state-level attack on democracy continues. It’s very effective, and once you eliminate the accountability—which is what they’ve done through gerrymandering and essentially lawlessness in many places—it’s a downward spiral. Just look around: Tennessee, Ohio, Florida. I mean, it’s happening. So in one way, it’s disturbing to watch, and I wish my first book had been wrong about what I worried would happen. But there’s also good news, though. More so than two years ago, I think people are waking up to what’s really happening. At least some are seeing that the solutions we have to bring go beyond Washington—and have to go beyond just the sort of swing state, federal model of fighting for democracy, which is too narrow. And ’22, although it didn’t solve everything, began to show that when those who care about democracy build an infrastructure and focus well, we can actually succeed. There are some best practices…[for] building infrastructure from the ground up. And if people figure this out and build on what just happened, there is a reason to think that in ’24, we can even do better. Despite all the perils and all the worry right now, if we expand the battlefield—more broadly as well as downward—we can actually start running up the score for democracy if we do it right.
Eric Lutz: I do want to talk about the optimism of the book, because I did find it very hopeful, even as what you’re describing is obviously very big and very precarious. “Saving democracy” sounds like such a big concept, and we can feel sort of powerless in the face of it. But in presenting a road map, it takes away some of that powerlessness. And I wonder if you can just talk about the importance of not feeling powerless, because it seems to me [that] if you were someone trying to dismantle democracy, making people feel like there’s nothing that can be done would be helpful.
David Pepper: I think it’s a real worry. They want the pro-democracy side to just quit. And I do hear all the time, It’s too late. Or: Since we didn’t pass a certain bill—which I agree we should—there’s nothing we can do. And I think that is when they win. But I also think the federal myopia, that that’s where democracy is being decided, is also very disempowering to people. Because they sit around and they watch cable TV, and they read books about how everything’s about Washington, and unless they either live in Washington or they work for a congressman, or unless they happen to live in a swing state or a swing district…If it’s only about Washington, that leaves most Americans thinking there’s nothing they can do except watch and maybe send some dollars to a Senate campaign.
As much as you want to win in DC, the front line of the attack on democracy is not far from where you live. I don’t care if you’re in a blue state or a red state. It’s in your local area. That’s what the other side figured out a long time ago. And that’s a negative thing to discover, of course. But my hope is, it also shows people, Guess what: There’s something you can do about it right where you live. And there are people that have done what I’m saying we should do in other places, and it’s actually worked. It’s actually moved the needle. So my hope is that this broader vision of the whole battlefield for democracy does empower people to think, Oh, I can do something about it right in my neighborhood, right? In my school district or my state House district, I can engage voters. I can make sure someone runs here and help them. The true battle for democracy, once understood, means there’s far more that they can do about it. The battle against democracy is succeeding because they don’t see that they can. And if we’re going to fight back, it’s going to start with people recognizing that they have a lot more agency.
Eric Lutz: In addition to that “federal myopia,” as you describe it, you also talk about some of the—I guess we could say too much focus on personalities, whether positive like Barack Obama or a villain like Donald Trump. And you do talk a lot about the pro-democracy infrastructure that is not “designed to protect democracy over the long term.” Can you just talk a little bit more about some of the ways that Team Democracy has lost sight of the ball at times, or maybe failed to address the systemic issues in the way that the other side has been more trained on?
David Pepper: I think the other side has been very clear-eyed on what institutions really impact power in American democracy. And they’re willing to support people in those institutions, even if they’re the most boring, unimpressive, uninspirational figures you can imagine. They don’t care about who these people are. They care about the institutions, because those institutions can exert power, push through an agenda, and suppress democracy. And I think the democratic side, generally, for a long time, is waiting for the next Obama, or the first Obama to excite them enough to go to bat for democracy. And I think we need to figure out how to get excited about those figures—and, of course, when they come around, that’s wonderful—but to also understand the institutional dynamics of power enough to say: The local neighbor who taught for 20 years—who’s running for a state House seat that we haven’t contested for decades or for years—that person is also here for democracy. They are bringing accountability to bear against an extremist. They’re raising awareness of what that state House has been doing, what it could be doing differently, and I’m going to get excited about that role as well, because I understand that it’s institutions like state Houses and school boards that right now are the front lines in this battle over democracy. So I think that’s something that we have to do.
And once again, you go back to the positive side—that’s what happened when a whole lot of people started supporting a candidate for the Wisconsin Supreme Court they never before thought about. All of a sudden—and this was good work by the chair of that party and others—people understood, My God—the result of that Wisconsin Supreme Court race actually has an impact on democracy. So we have to just get out of the almost sort of celebrity-hype type of politics of focusing on a few exciting people, be they good or bad, and get into the more sophisticated lens, which is, Where are the institutions that can either lift or subvert democracy, and how do we win them? And how do we win them over a long term? Because we’re not going to start winning every state House. But for goodness sakes, if we don’t even run in half the seats, the damage is so much worse than if we’re running in all those seats every single cycle to, over time, make gains.
Eric Lutz: Combating these attacks, whether it’s at the federal level or down to the school boards—it can feel like whack-a-mole, this constant game of defense. But you also talk about the need for the pro-democracy side to go on offense. What does that look like?
David Pepper: It looks like the default that you’re running everywhere. You’re just running everywhere, you understand why that matters—that it lifts accountability, that it lifts transparency, that it lifts turnout. It’s just what you do. And right now, we simply don’t. I don’t say this as a criticism; it’s just the reality. You wouldn’t have so many uncontested races in almost every state if there was an infrastructure that valued running everywhere and that understood that the damage from not running in so many places is so deep to democracy.
I mean, the incentive structure right now—in a place like Tennessee, where half of those people don’t even face a contested election, they are better off voting to oust [state representatives Justin Jones and Justin Pearson, members of the “Tennessee Three” who participated in a gun control demonstration after the Nashville school shooting in March], in their unaccountable world than actually keeping them, because if they voted to keep them, they would be challenged in the primary. But if they’re not contested in the general, they suffer nothing from getting rid of the two Justins. We create that problem. Once you don’t have an opponent and your November election is canceled, the democracy is canceled; you’re not a public servant anymore. You have no accountability to the public. And that’s why the behavior has gotten so extreme in the states. They’re not public servants when so many don’t face opposition. If you’re only worried about a few swing areas for a federal election, you actually don’t see that damage. You think it’s okay because it doesn’t change the outcome of that swing suburban House district or that Senate race. But once you see this lack of accountability in state Houses and all these districts that’s fueling this downward spiral of extremism, then you realize, My God, by not running in all these places, we are leading to those incentives being all screwed up. We have to run everywhere.
Eric Lutz: And where does this “federal myopia” come from? How did we get to a point where there seems to be such little accountability? Democracy has been in precarious positions before. This is not the first time we’ve been in a place like this. But where do you see the roots of our current predicament?
David Pepper: I think it builds over time. Obviously, we want to win federal elections. That’s critical. And the Democratic side of the aisle has in the past—there’s no doubt that winning federal elections has been the key to the most important laws our country has ever seen. And so understanding that history, it makes sense that we want to have the authority. But to the exclusion of other offices, it starts to be a crutch, and a mistake. I think people start to reach a conclusion—incorrectly—that the states that are red are hopeless causes, so there’s no purpose to try to win there. And I think that’s a self-fulfilling prophecy. What happens when you disengage in the states is the state Houses take over, they gerrymander themselves, and then when only one side is in the conversation, they [become] more extreme. And I think it’s to the point now where a lot of folks, Democrats, honestly just assume all these states must reflect how crazy their laws have become. My hope is, what’s happened in places like Kansas with that abortion referendum reminds people that these state Houses do not reflect the people in these states. The reason they gerrymander is because they know they’re pushing laws that don’t reflect the mainstream majority of these states. If they did, if they were confident they reflected the majority in these states, they wouldn’t have to gerrymander. So my hope is that people see that there’s a massive benefit to running in the states, at the state House level—that it’s worth it because you can win. But even if you aren’t going to quite win because it’s a Republican-leaning state, that state will be far less extreme if you compete there every two years than if you pull out entirely.
Eric Lutz: And it doesn’t seem like the long game and that more urgent need—it doesn’t seem like those things should be in opposition.
David Pepper: No, not at all. I do think that in some cases, there’s a zero-sum mentality, which is a huge mistake. As if grassroots givers getting excited to help win that Wisconsin Supreme Court race took away from giving to federal races. It didn’t. That was a win for democracy…But I do think at some point, people say, Well, we have finite resources, we can’t do that. You know, I think if you get people really energized, you can actually get more resources. But even if there, at some point, is a finite level of resources, we need to spread enough money to the longer game in the states so that we’re building up that infrastructure too.
Eric Lutz: Do you think people are aware enough—not only of the strategies that are available, but also just of the problem in general? I think a lot more people are confronting the reality of these attacks on democracy. But I also wonder if there’s a lot of people who aren’t necessarily tuned in, or maybe they don’t view this as the image in their head of what a march toward autocracy would look like, and are inclined to regard these kinds of warnings as hyperbole. How do you reach those people and convince them that this is a real thing that’s happening?
David Pepper: Because we’re in America, and we take democracy for granted, we don’t see these things in the way we would see them if they were another country. But if you lined up all the things happening in a lot of these state Houses and said it was happening in Austria or Hungary, which it has, or somewhere else, most Americans would say, My God, that country’s losing its democracy. When you think about it, when you put yourself outside of it, and you imagine it’s happening somewhere else, I think it becomes very clear. So I think, yes, there are still a lot of people who think it wouldn’t happen here. And we do have to break through that. I will say I think we are reaching a fever pitch, though, in many of these states, so the awareness is building. The worry is building. We are starting to reach five-alarm-fire-type steps, like censorship. And I do think they are making people see, Okay, this is not normal. This is not the politics that we grew up with. It’s so much more extreme. It’s hitting real sort of key principles of democracy that are starting to be undermined.
My worry is that even though we’re waking up to it, we’re still not adjusting the strategies to deal with it effectively. A lot of the strategies that we are still basically undertaking are the strategies that were built when we assumed democracy was just fine. And so my worry isn’t just waking folks up to it, but to show people that so many of the strategies that are at the heart of the sort of pro-democracy side, which is more than just Democrats, by the way—so many of those strategies are anchored in an assumption that democracy is okay, that it’s doing just fine
https://www.vanityfair.com/news/2023/05/david-pepper-saving-democracy-interview
(this interview is a temp paste till more begins showing up on this new
book. Then I will just sample a few paragraphs when new videos, excerpts
& reviews show up, thanks Vanity Fair)
Excerpt: Introduction
The arc of the moral universe is long. But it bends... in the direction of whoever is pushing it harder, for longer, is pushing. --David Pepper
Meet Rhoda Denison Bement.
She was at Seneca Falls. But it's complicated.
Rhoda Denison Bement was actually a regular parishioner at the Wesleyan Methodist Church, where the historic convention took place. But she was only a member there because, five years earlier, she'd been banished from the Presbyterian church down the street. At one point, the ferocity of her abolitionist advocacy erupted into a showdown with that church's pastor, who put her on trial for disorderly and "unchristian" conduct. She was found guilty, banished, and soon joined the church that would host the women's rights convention a few years later.
Now let's take a moment and look at the long arc of Rhoda Denison Bement's life, and the lives of her fellow suffragists.
Born in 1806, she was kicked out of that first church in 1843. Only thirty-seven years old, but so fierce about abolishing slavery she was banished from an abolitionist church. Impressive.
The historic convention at her new church home took place in 1848, when she was forty-two years old.
She would then spend the rest of her eighty-two years as both a conductor of the Underground Railroad and an advocate for women's suffrage. She died in 1888.
The 19th Amendment wasn't ratified until 1920.
So, Rhoda Denison Bement spent her entire life raising hell for suffrage
she would never see, and that America's women wouldn't gain for another
thirty-two years after her death.
Now think about the generation that followed her in the movement. Consider the teenagers who watched or read about that 1848 convention. Those women would've been in their fifties at the time of Bement's death, and more than likely also did not live to see the 19th Amendment ratified.
Only the next generation of the movement-the teenagers at the time of Bement's death-would live to see that historic victory in 1920. Most of them, at least. They would have reached their fifties and sixties when they first exercised their right to vote.
Think about that again: Rhoda Denison Bement, her predecessors, peers, and even the generation of women that followed her dedicated entire lifetimes of struggle to join America's democracy. These would be lifetimes of disappointment, at least in terms of achieving their ultimate goal. Still, they kept fighting. Only the final generation of that movement, building on the foundations of those who'd endeavored and passed away years before, would experience their joint, multi-generational victory.
You may be asking, why do I know so much about Rhoda Denison Bement?
I've known about her for decades. You see, I hail from a long, uninterrupted line of fierce feminists. And Rhoda Denison Bement led the way. She was my great-great-great-great-grandmother. One of my nieces is named Rhoda; another's middle name is Bement.
As proud as we are of that lineage, I know there are countless Americans just like Rhoda Denison Bement, who waged their own struggles for freedom and equality that only future generations would inherit.
Even after the Civil War and abolition-and long after the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments-it took generations of similar heroes to overcome horrific violence to cement civil rights protections into our nation's laws. It took another generation after that to convince leaders and courts to actually enforce those laws. Again, like Bement, enti lifetimes of struggle. Many ending in disappointment, never to see progress. And countless lives cut short violently amid that struggle.
John Lewis was one of the fortunate heroes who lived to witness the fruits of generations of action and sacrifice, including his own. But even when John Lewis passed away, some of those fruits were wilting before his eyes. Things were going the other way.
What's the lesson from Rhoda Denison Bement's life and legacy, and so many others like her?
It's that the battle for democracy is a long one.
It's not about a single election. Or a single politician. Or even elections alone. It's not limited to individual lifetimes, or even multiple generations.
And no, it's not an inevitable arc bending in one positive and inevitable, morally righteous direction. It's always contested-pushing one way for years, then back the other way for years more. If and how it bends comes down to who's pushing harder, longer.
It's a never-ending battle. And it continues today.
Which means we are in that same battle now.
If you're reading this book because you're concerned about the state of our democracy, the most important takeaway is to see that you are in the same struggle Rhoda Denison Bement was in. That John Lewis was in.
You are a participant in that long struggle for democracy. The never-ending struggle.
Once you realize that, everything changes. And it's time to adjust everything you do accordingly. This book tries to show you how.
And I wrote this book now, and I'm glad you're reading it now, because it's a critical moment for all who value democracy to understand this reality. And then to take concrete action. Now.
***
Over the centuries, democracy has undergone surges of revolutionary growth, periods of relative stability, and generations of painful and violent retrenchment.
Around the world, and across the United States, we now find ourselves at a precarious moment on the edge (over that edge, in too many places) of retrenchment after a brief era of stability.
Here is a basic snapshot of what's happening on the ground in the United States. As you review these raw facts, imagine what we Americans would say if we saw this in another country:
In state after state, a faction of politicians rigs legislative districts to eliminate accountability and guarantee outcomes in its favor. With their election outcomes pre-ordained, few members of this faction face accountability from voters in their entire careers.
Some of that rigging violates state or federal law, but that doesn't seem to matter. In fact, it's rewarded. Successfully violating federal or state law helped that faction seize the majority of the US House of Representatives after 2022.
Once locked into power, this faction of politicians passes law after law that the majority of its constituents strongly disagrees with, but is powerless to stop. And the faction takes steps to make it even more difficult for the voters of these states to stop them. This includes routinely altering election rules to minimize the political power of those who most oppose them. It also includes a continual giveaway of public funds and goods to private interests, who funnel a portion of those funds back to campaign war chests-some public, some hidden-that keep those politicians in power.
The faction also passes laws and advances rhetoric that lead to violence against certain groups. And they pass laws limiting the expression of those out of power, including curbing how they can protest and what subjects can be taught in schools or shared in libraries. They even censure and expel fellow lawmakers for expressing contrary viewpoints, while stripping power from officials who pose a threat to them.
Political candidates and officeholders from the faction don't just defy the law, but the outcome of legitimate elections-be they elections for political positions, or referenda voted on directly by the people. "Election deniers" are running for offices around the country and in November 2022, many of them won. They now control the majority of the House of Representatives and many of its most important committees. As writer Sarah Kendzior summed up: "People who attempted to overthrow the federal government are now creating the policies of the federal government. People who are national security threats are now dictating national security?"¹
1. Andrea Chalupa and Sarah Kendzior, "Trump Lost, But the Coup Won," February 7, 2023, in Gaslit Nation, podcast, Patreon, 5:33, https://www.patreon.com/posts/trump-lost-but-78389049.
https://www.amazon.com/Saving-Democracy-Users-Manual-American/dp/1662938217/
https://www.amazon.com/Saving-Democracy-Users-Manual-American/dp/1662938217/
