Rise of Selfishness in America
The Huge Entertainment Industry that Arose in the United States in Parallel with the Industrial City.
It happened terribly fast. In 1880 there was;
- no recorded sound,
- no moving pictures,
- no football,
- no basketball,
- no vaudeville,
- no ragtime, jazz or blues,
- no Tin Pan Alley.
By the first decade of the 20th century all were in place and were-or were about to be-matters of intense national concern.
It does not take much imagination
to grasp the sense of dislocation
Millions of Americans - born in the 1870s and 1880s to a world in which "fun" meant sledding, word games, picnics - found themselves as young adults simply deluged with professional diversion in mammoth cities where everything seemed to be run by electricity.
What, finally, was the meaning for Americans-and ultimately for the world-of the sudden appearance of this huge system of mass entertainment, with its vast machinery for bringing music, games, shows of all kinds to the American public?
Today we so take for granted our deep involvement in entertainment that it is difficult for us to remember that it is actually a great novelty in human experience.
Up until the last decades of the 19th
century the vast majority of human
beings, stretching back into prehistory,
rarely had the experience of being
professionally entertained.
As hard as it is to believe, the bulk of humanity until recent times never saw a "show" of any kind.
Instead of being entertained, people
everywhere amused themselves.
They did so almost always actively, and in groups.
- they danced,
- they sang,
- they competed in games,
- they gambled at cards and dice,
They sat in front of fireplaces and around taverns
- swapping stories,
- playing word games,
- posing each other conundrums.
Even as late as the 1950s, and perhaps later,
- boys shot marbles in the spring,
- flipped baseball cards,
- played jackknife games like mumblety-peg passed down from generation to generation.
And up to this moment girls in big cities, suburbs, and small towns
- play traditional sidewalk games like hopscotch and jump rope.
playing a game and (watching) it being played;
between making music and (listening) to it;
between telling a story and (watching) one being acted out.
The one is active, the other passive; the one is an occupation for a group, or at least two people; the other an occupatjon for the self.
It is true, of course, that people go to stadiums and theaters en masse; but they are, really, members of what David Reisman called;
It is precisely this that makes the qualitative difference between playing the game and watching it: the spectator reacts but he does not interact.
Being entertained is essentially
a solitary pursuit, an act
of the self.
It does not often involve us, or affect us, on a deep gut level, the way competing on a tennis court, playing poker in a basement den, jamming on the blues in a garage, telling ghost stories around a campfire do.
These things engage us in a much deeper way, because they connect us to other people whom we can affect and who can affect us in significant ways-in winning and losing, in the rapid exchange of ideas, the sharing of an experience.
The primary environment in which human beings live is other people. Playing tennis or jamming on the blues is life, because these are peopled activities. Watching someone else do these things is, at best, only an imitation of life. At worst, it is a way only of passing time in a state of disengagement.
And we are hardly surprised to discover that this basic shift in the way people amuse themselves came hand in hand with the new industrial city.
The Rise of Selfisness in America - James L. Collier
http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0195052773/
Book Summary by ChatGPT
Contents
1. The 18th-Century Debauch
The first chapter introduces the debauchery that
took place in the
18th century. This was a time of
significant cultural change in America, particularly in the areas of
morality and self-indulgence. The author cites the influence of
European culture and Enlightenment philosophy as factors that
contributed to this transformation.
Collier provides a vivid description of the extravagant lifestyles of the wealthy and powerful during this era. He highlights the lavish parties and excessive drinking that were prevalent among the upper classes. The author also notes the prevalence of extramarital affairs and sexual promiscuity, particularly among men. Collier argues that these behaviors were often celebrated rather than criticized, and that society at large did little to curb them.
Despite the excesses of the wealthy, Collier notes that the majority of Americans were still living in poverty at this time. He describes the struggles of farmers and laborers who worked long hours for little pay. The author argues that the growing gap between the rich and poor contributed to social unrest and contributed to the rise of selfishness in American culture.
Collier also notes the impact of the Great Awakening, a religious movement that swept through America during the 18th century. He argues that while the Great Awakening led many to embrace a more pious and selfless lifestyle, it also contributed to the development of a more individualistic and self-centered approach to religion. Collier suggests that this shift in religious attitudes was a reflection of broader cultural changes taking place in America at the time.
The author also discusses the impact of political developments during the 18th century, particularly the American Revolution. He argues that the revolutionary period marked a significant shift in American attitudes towards authority and social norms. Collier suggests that the revolutionary era contributed to the growth of individualism and self-interest, and paved the way for the rise of selfishness in American culture.
Collier concludes the chapter by noting that the 18th century marked the beginning of a cultural transformation in America. He argues that the excesses of the era laid the groundwork for the growth of selfishness and individualism in American culture, a trend that would continue throughout the following centuries. Collier suggests that understanding this transformation is critical to understanding the roots of contemporary American culture and society.
Overall, Collier's chapter on the 18th-century debauch provides a detailed and engaging account of the cultural changes taking place in America during this era. The author skillfully weaves together various historical and cultural factors to build a compelling narrative of this pivotal period in American history. Collier's analysis is both thought-provoking and informative, offering insights into the ways in which cultural attitudes and social norms can shift over time.
2. The Victorian Reaction
This chapter explores the Victorian
era in America and the cultural reactions that followed the debauchery
of the 18th century. The Victorian period, which
lasted from the mid-19th century to the beginning of the 20th century,
was marked by a shift towards self-restraint,
morality, and
duty.
Collier notes that the Victorian period was characterized by a renewed emphasis on traditional values and social norms. The author argues that this shift was largely a reaction to the excesses of the 18th century, and reflects a desire to restore order and stability to American society. Collier highlights the influence of British culture and European aristocratic values on American society during this time.
The author describes the social and cultural changes that took place during the Victorian era, including the rise of the middle class and the growth of industrialization. Collier notes that the Victorian period was marked by a newfound emphasis on self-control and discipline, particularly in the areas of sexuality and consumption. The author argues that this shift towards self-restraint was reflected in the rise of the temperance movement and the efforts to regulate vice and immorality.
Collier also notes the impact of religion on Victorian society. The author suggests that the Victorian era was marked by a resurgence of religious piety, particularly among Protestant Christians. Collier highlights the influence of the Second Great Awakening, a religious revival that swept through America in the early 19th century, on the development of Victorian attitudes towards morality and duty.
The author argues that the Victorian period was marked by a complex and sometimes contradictory set of values. While Victorian society emphasized self-restraint and discipline, it also placed a high value on individual achievement and success. Collier suggests that these values reflected a broader cultural tension between the desire for social conformity and the drive for individualism.
Collier also discusses the impact of political developments on Victorian society, particularly the Civil War and the rise of industrial capitalism. The author suggests that these events contributed to the growth of Victorian values, as Americans sought to rebuild and redefine their society in the aftermath of these upheavals.
Collier concludes the chapter by noting that the Victorian period marked a significant shift in American culture, as society moved away from the excesses of the 18th century towards a more restrained and disciplined approach to life. The author suggests that this shift reflects a desire to restore order and stability to American society, and reflects the broader cultural and political tensions that continue to shape American culture today.
Overall, Collier's chapter on the Victorian reaction provides a detailed and insightful analysis of this pivotal period in American history. The author skillfully weaves together various historical and cultural factors to build a nuanced portrait of Victorian society and the cultural tensions that shaped it. Collier's analysis is both informative and thought-provoking, offering valuable insights into the ways in which cultural attitudes and social norms can evolve over time.
3. The Rising City and the Threat to the Victorian Order
This chapter examines the impact of urbanization on American society during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The rapid growth of cities during this period challenged traditional Victorian values and posed a threat to the established social order.
Collier begins the chapter by discussing the growth of American cities during the late 19th century. The author notes that the rise of industrialization and urbanization led to a massive influx of people into America's cities, creating new challenges for urban planners and policymakers. Collier suggests that the growth of cities contributed to a sense of social dislocation and fragmentation, as traditional social bonds were weakened and new forms of social organization emerged.
The author then explores the impact of urbanization on Victorian values and social norms. Collier suggests that the dense, crowded conditions of urban life challenged traditional notions of privacy, morality, and propriety. The author notes that Victorian values were based on a highly structured, hierarchical society, and that the rapid growth of cities disrupted this order. Collier argues that this disruption contributed to a sense of moral and cultural decay, as traditional social structures were eroded and new forms of social organization emerged.
Collier then discusses the role of immigration in shaping American cities during this period. The author notes that the massive influx of immigrants from Europe and Asia led to a diverse and multicultural urban environment, challenging traditional notions of national identity and cultural homogeneity. Collier suggests that this diversity contributed to a sense of social fragmentation and dislocation, as different groups competed for resources and power in the urban environment.
The author also explores the impact of urbanization on gender roles and sexual norms. Collier notes that the crowded conditions of urban life created new opportunities for women to participate in public life and challenge traditional gender roles. The author suggests that this shift contributed to a sense of social dislocation and moral decay, as traditional gender norms were challenged and new forms of social organization emerged.
Collier concludes the chapter by noting that the rise of cities during this period posed a significant threat to the established social order and traditional Victorian values. The author suggests that the rapid growth of cities created new challenges for policymakers and urban planners, as they sought to balance the competing demands of different groups and interests. Collier argues that the impact of urbanization on American society during this period was complex and far-reaching, contributing to a sense of social dislocation and fragmentation that would continue to shape American culture in the decades to come.
Overall, Collier's chapter on the rising city and the threat to the Victorian order offers a nuanced and insightful analysis of the impact of urbanization on American society during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The author effectively explores the complex ways in which the growth of cities challenged traditional Victorian values and social norms, contributing to a sense of moral and cultural decay that would continue to shape American culture in the decades to come. Collier's analysis is both informative and thought-provoking, offering valuable insights into the ways in which urbanization and social change can shape the cultural and moral landscape of a society.
4. The New Class System
This chapter discusses the emergence of a new class system in America during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. This new class system was characterized by the rise of a wealthy elite class, who dominated American politics and society, and a working class that struggled to make ends meet.
Collier begins the chapter by exploring the origins of the new class system. The author notes that the growth of industrialization and urbanization during this period led to a concentration of wealth and power among a small group of industrialists and financiers. Collier suggests that this concentration of wealth created a new class of wealthy elites, who were able to use their economic power to shape American society and politics.
The author then discusses the impact of the new class system on American society. Collier notes that the rise of the wealthy elite class created new social divisions and hierarchies, as wealth and power became increasingly concentrated among a small group of individuals. The author argues that this concentration of wealth contributed to a sense of social and economic inequality, as the working class struggled to make ends meet while the wealthy elite lived lives of luxury and privilege.
Collier also explores the impact of the new class system on American politics. The author suggests that the wealthy elite class used their economic power to shape the political landscape, often at the expense of the working class. Collier notes that the wealthy elite were able to influence politicians and policies in their favor, leading to a political system that was increasingly controlled by the wealthy few.
The author then discusses the role of education in shaping the new class system. Collier suggests that the rise of industrialization and urbanization led to the creation of a new educational system that was designed to meet the needs of the wealthy elite class. The author notes that this educational system emphasized technical and scientific knowledge, rather than the liberal arts and humanities, which were traditionally associated with the upper classes.
Collier also explores the impact of the new class system on social mobility in America. The author suggests that the concentration of wealth and power among the wealthy elite made it increasingly difficult for the working class to move up the social ladder. Collier notes that this lack of social mobility contributed to a sense of frustration and resentment among the working class, who felt that the system was rigged against them.
The author concludes the chapter by noting that the new class system created new challenges for American society and politics. Collier argues that the concentration of wealth and power among the wealthy elite contributed to a sense of social and economic inequality, which would continue to shape American culture and politics in the decades to come.
Overall, Collier's chapter on the new class system offers a compelling analysis of the impact of industrialization, urbanization, and social change on American society during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The author effectively explores the complex ways in which the rise of the wealthy elite class created new social hierarchies and divisions, and contributed to a sense of social and economic inequality. Collier's analysis is both informative and thought-provoking, offering valuable insights into the ways in which economic and social change can shape the cultural and political landscape of a society.
5. The Institutionalization of Vice
This chapter examines the institutionalization of vice in America during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The growth of cities, along with the rise of consumer culture and changing social attitudes, led to a loosening of moral standards and the emergence of new forms of vice, which were then institutionalized and incorporated into mainstream American society.
The chapter begins by exploring the historical context in which vice became institutionalized. Collier notes that the growth of cities during this period created new opportunities for vice, as the anonymity and social dislocation of urban life made it easier for individuals to engage in illicit activities without fear of social stigma or punishment. The author suggests that these conditions paved the way for the institutionalization of vice, as vice activities became more organized and widespread.
Collier then examines the different forms of vice that emerged during this period. The author discusses the rise of prostitution, gambling, and alcohol consumption, all of which became more prevalent and visible during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Collier notes that these activities were often associated with the urban working class, who turned to vice as a means of escape from the harsh realities of urban life.
The author then explores the ways in which vice was institutionalized and incorporated into mainstream American society. Collier notes that vice activities were often located in the heart of the city, in areas known as vice districts, which were tolerated by local authorities and even incorporated into the urban landscape. The author suggests that the institutionalization of vice was a reflection of changing social attitudes, as Americans became more accepting of vice activities and viewed them as a legitimate part of urban life.
Collier also examines the role of consumer culture in the institutionalization of vice. The author notes that the rise of consumer culture during this period created new opportunities for vice, as advertisers and marketers capitalized on the growing demand for vice products and services. Collier suggests that this commercialization of vice contributed to its institutionalization, as vice activities became more visible and more widely accepted in mainstream American culture.
The author then discusses the impact of vice on American society and politics. Collier notes that the institutionalization of vice contributed to a sense of moral decay and social disorder, as traditional moral values were eroded and vice activities became more widespread. The author argues that this sense of social and moral decay contributed to the rise of social reform movements, such as the Progressive Movement, which sought to address the social problems associated with vice.
Collier concludes the chapter by noting that the institutionalization of vice was a reflection of broader social and cultural changes that were taking place in America during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The author suggests that the growth of cities, the rise of consumer culture, and changing social attitudes all contributed to the institutionalization of vice, which would have a lasting impact on American society and culture.
Overall, Collier's chapter on the institutionalization of vice offers a compelling analysis of the ways in which social and cultural change can shape the moral and ethical values of a society. The author effectively explores the complex ways in which vice activities became institutionalized and incorporated into mainstream American culture, and the impact that this had on American society and politics. Collier's analysis is both informative and thought-provoking, offering valuable insights into the ways in which social and cultural change can shape the moral and ethical landscape of a society.
6. The Victorians Fight Back
This chapter discusses the Victorian Era and the ways in which people during that time fought back against the increasing selfishness and individualism that was becoming prevalent in society. The chapter focuses on several key themes, including the rise of the middle class, the growth of the labor movement, and the influence of religion and social reformers.
At the heart of the Victorian Era was a growing middle class, made up of entrepreneurs, professionals, and skilled workers. These people valued hard work, education, and thrift, and they believed that success should be based on merit rather than social status or privilege. This middle class played an important role in the fight against selfishness, as they saw themselves as responsible for creating a better society for all.
One of the key ways that the Victorians fought back against selfishness was through the labor movement. As factories and other businesses grew larger and more powerful, workers began to organize in order to demand better wages, working conditions, and rights. These efforts were often met with resistance from employers and even the government, but the labor movement persevered and helped to create a more equitable society.
Religion also played an important role in the Victorian fight against selfishness. Many people during this time saw their faith as a call to social action, and they worked tirelessly to help the less fortunate and to promote social justice. This was particularly true of the Quakers, who believed that all people were equal in the eyes of God and who were instrumental in many social reform movements of the time.
Social reformers also played a key role in the Victorian fight against selfishness. These were people who believed that society could be improved through changes in laws and social norms, and they worked tirelessly to bring about these changes. Some of the most notable social reformers of the time included William Wilberforce, who worked to abolish slavery, and Elizabeth Fry, who worked to improve conditions in prisons.
Despite these efforts, however, the Victorian Era was not without its problems. For example, there was still a great deal of poverty and inequality, and women and minorities often faced discrimination and oppression. Nonetheless, the Victorian fight against selfishness was an important step forward in the ongoing struggle for a more just and equitable society.
Overall, Chapter 6 of "The Rise of Selfishness in America" provides a valuable overview of the Victorian Era and the ways in which people during that time fought back against selfishness and individualism. Through their efforts, the Victorians helped to create a more equitable and just society, and their legacy continues to inspire people today.
7. The New Business of Show Business
This chapter explores the emergence of the entertainment industry
and
its impact on American society. The entertainment
industry played a significant role in the rise of selfishness and
individualism in America, as it created a culture that valued fame,
fortune, and celebrity above all else.
At the heart of the entertainment industry was the rise of motion pictures, which quickly became one of the most popular forms of entertainment in America. With the invention of the nickelodeon and other forms of movie theaters, people could now experience the thrill of the movies on a regular basis. This new form of entertainment quickly became a big business, with movie studios and producers vying for audiences and profits.
The entertainment industry also gave rise to a new breed of celebrity, with actors and actresses becoming household names and symbols of success and glamour. The rise of celebrity culture created a new standard of beauty and fashion, with people striving to emulate the latest Hollywood trends. Collier argues that this new culture of celebrity helped to fuel the rise of selfishness and individualism in America, as people became more focused on their own personal image and success.
In addition to movies, the entertainment industry also included other popular forms of entertainment such as music, theater, and radio. These new forms of entertainment helped to create a sense of shared culture and identity, as people across America could now enjoy the same songs, plays, and radio programs. However, Collier argues that this sense of shared culture was also accompanied by a growing sense of consumerism, as people were encouraged to buy the latest records, attend the hottest shows, and purchase the newest gadgets.
The entertainment industry also had a profound impact on the way that people saw themselves and their place in society. With the rise of movies and other forms of entertainment, people began to see themselves as part of a larger, more interconnected world. However, this new sense of connection was also accompanied by a growing sense of isolation and loneliness, as people became more focused on their own personal pursuits and less connected to their communities and families.
Collier argues that the entertainment industry helped to create a new kind of American Dream, one that was focused on fame, fortune, and success in the entertainment industry. This new dream was accompanied by a growing sense of disillusionment and anxiety, as people struggled to live up to these unrealistic standards of success and fulfillment.
Despite these challenges, however, Collier suggests that the entertainment industry also had the potential to bring people together and create a sense of shared culture and identity. The movies, in particular, provided a powerful medium for exploring social issues and promoting social change. Collier cites movies such as "The Grapes of Wrath" and "To Kill a Mockingbird" as examples of movies that used the power of entertainment to challenge social norms and promote empathy and understanding.
Overall, Chapter 7 of "The Rise of Selfishness in America" provides a valuable overview of the emergence of the entertainment industry and its impact on American society. While the entertainment industry helped to create a culture of selfishness and individualism, it also had the potential to bring people together and promote social change. As Collier suggests, the challenge for the entertainment industry and for American society as a whole is to find ways to harness the power of entertainment for the greater good, rather than simply for personal gain.
8. The Mechanization of Entertainment
This chapter explores the impact of technology on the entertainment
industry, specifically the rise of television and the mechanization of
entertainment. The introduction of television
transformed the entertainment industry, leading to a new era of
mass-produced, mechanized entertainment that had a profound impact
on
American culture and society.
The rise of television was a significant turning point in American entertainment, as it allowed for the widespread distribution of entertainment content to millions of homes across the country. With the introduction of television, people no longer had to leave their homes to enjoy entertainment, as they could now watch their favorite shows from the comfort of their living rooms. This new medium quickly became one of the most popular forms of entertainment, and it had a profound impact on the way that people consumed entertainment.
Collier argues that the mechanization of entertainment, which was facilitated by the introduction of television, led to a new era of mass-produced, standardized entertainment that was designed to appeal to the widest possible audience. This new form of entertainment was highly commercialized, with advertisers vying for the attention of viewers and producers creating content that would appeal to the broadest possible audience. As a result, the entertainment industry became more focused on profit and less focused on creativity or artistic expression.
The rise of television also had a profound impact on the way that people saw themselves and their place in society. With the introduction of television, people began to see themselves as part of a larger, more interconnected world. However, this new sense of connection was also accompanied by a growing sense of isolation and loneliness, as people spent more time in front of their televisions and less time interacting with their communities and families.
Collier argues that the mechanization of entertainment helped to fuel the rise of selfishness and individualism in America, as people became more focused on their own personal consumption of entertainment and less connected to their communities and families. This new culture of consumption helped to create a new standard of beauty and fashion, with people striving to emulate the latest trends and styles that were promoted by television and other forms of mass media.
Despite these challenges, Collier suggests that the rise of television also had the potential to bring people together and create a sense of shared culture and identity. Television shows such as "I Love Lucy" and "The Honeymooners" helped to create a shared experience for people across America, as they laughed at the same jokes and shared in the same cultural references. Additionally, the rise of television news helped to create a more informed and engaged citizenry, as people across the country could now learn about the latest news and events from the comfort of their own homes.
Overall, Chapter 8 of "The Rise of Selfishness in America" provides a valuable overview of the impact of technology on the entertainment industry and American society as a whole. While the mechanization of entertainment helped to create a culture of consumption and individualism, it also had the potential to bring people together and create a shared culture and identity. As Collier suggests, the challenge for the entertainment industry and for American society as a whole is to find ways to harness the power of technology for the greater good, rather than simply for personal gain.
9. New Thought, New Art
This chapter explores the impact of new thought and art movements on American society during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. These movements reflected a growing sense of individualism and self-expression in America, as people sought to break free from the constraints of traditional societal norms and explore new forms of artistic expression.
One of the key movements that Collier examines is the Arts and Crafts movement, which emerged in Britain in the late 19th century and quickly spread to the United States. This movement was a response to the industrialization of society and the growing mass production of goods, which many artists and designers felt had led to a decline in the quality of craftsmanship and a loss of individuality in design. The Arts and Crafts movement sought to promote the value of handmade goods and traditional craftsmanship, and it had a significant impact on American design and architecture in the early 20th century.
Another movement that Collier explores is the Art Nouveau movement, which emerged in France in the late 19th century and also had a significant impact on American art and design. Art Nouveau was characterized by its flowing, organic shapes and its use of natural forms and motifs, and it represented a rejection of the more rigid and geometric forms of traditional design. This movement had a significant impact on the decorative arts and was influential in the development of modern graphic design.
Collier also examines the impact of the Arts and Crafts and Art Nouveau movements on the development of new forms of art, such as the Art Deco movement. Art Deco was a highly stylized, decorative form of art that emerged in the 1920s and was characterized by its use of geometric shapes and bold, contrasting colors. This movement had a significant impact on American architecture and design in the early 20th century, and it reflected a growing interest in modernism and new forms of expression.
Throughout the chapter, Collier emphasizes the role of individualism and self-expression in the development of these new art movements. He argues that these movements reflected a growing desire among artists and designers to break free from the constraints of traditional norms and explore new forms of artistic expression. This sense of individualism was also reflected in the emergence of new forms of literature and poetry, such as the work of Walt Whitman and the Beat poets, which celebrated the individual and rejected traditional forms of structure and narrative.
However, Collier also acknowledges the challenges and limitations of these new art movements. He notes that many of these movements were primarily embraced by the urban elite, and that they often failed to reach a wider audience. Additionally, these movements were often criticized for their focus on style and form over substance and content, and for their lack of social and political engagement.
Overall, chapter 9 of "The Rise of Selfishness in America" provides a valuable overview of the impact of new thought and art movements on American society during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. These movements reflected a growing sense of individualism and self-expression in America, and they helped to shape the development of new forms of art and design. However, they also faced significant challenges and limitations, and their impact on American society and culture was complex and multifaceted.
10. Hedonism Victorious
This chapter examines the rise of hedonism in American society during the 20th century. Hedonism is the pursuit of pleasure and self-indulgence, often at the expense of social responsibility or moral values. The pursuit of pleasure became increasingly central to American culture during the 20th century, and that this had significant consequences for American society and morality.
One of the key factors that contributed to the rise of hedonism was the emergence of new forms of entertainment and leisure activities. The development of new technologies, such as radio, television, and the automobile, made it easier for people to engage in leisure activities and pursue pleasure. This led to a proliferation of new forms of entertainment, such as sports, movies, and popular music, which became increasingly central to American culture.
Collier also examines the impact of consumerism on the rise of hedonism. The growth of the consumer culture in the United States encouraged people to pursue pleasure and self-indulgence through the acquisition of material goods. Advertisements and marketing campaigns encouraged people to consume more and more, and to view material goods as a source of pleasure and fulfillment.
The rise of hedonism also had significant consequences for American morality. Collier argues that the pursuit of pleasure often led people to engage in behaviors that were previously considered immoral or unacceptable. For example, the sexual revolution of the 1960s encouraged people to pursue sexual pleasure without regard for traditional moral norms. Similarly, the use of drugs and alcohol became increasingly common, as people sought to escape reality and pursue pleasure.
Collier also examines the impact of hedonism on American politics and society. He argues that the pursuit of pleasure often led people to prioritize their own individual desires over the needs of society as a whole. This could be seen in the rise of the "me generation," which emphasized individualism and self-expression over social responsibility or civic engagement.
Overall, chapter 10 of "The Rise of Selfishness in America" provides a valuable overview of the rise of hedonism in American society during the 20th century. Collier argues that the pursuit of pleasure became increasingly central to American culture, and that this had significant consequences for American society and morality. While the pursuit of pleasure can be seen as a natural human desire, Collier suggests that the excessive pursuit of pleasure can lead to moral decay and social disintegration. As such, he raises important questions about the role of pleasure and hedonism in American society, and their impact on our collective moral and social values.
11. The Death of Victorianism
This chapter examines the cultural changes that occurred in America during the early 20th century. It starts by noting that the Victorian era, which had been dominant in the United States for several decades, was giving way to a new cultural paradigm.
Collier argues that the Victorian era was characterized by a rigid set of moral values and a strict adherence to traditional norms. However, the early 20th century saw the emergence of a new culture that rejected many of these Victorian values. This new culture was characterized by a greater emphasis on individualism and personal freedom, and a rejection of the strict social hierarchies of the Victorian era.
One of the key drivers of this cultural shift was the rise of consumer culture. As Collier notes, the early 20th century saw the emergence of a new class of wealthy consumers who were able to purchase a wide range of goods and services. This led to a new emphasis on personal pleasure and enjoyment, as people sought to indulge their desires and live life to the fullest.
Another factor contributing to the decline of Victorianism was the changing role of women in society. As Collier notes, women were increasingly entering the workforce and gaining greater independence. This challenged traditional gender roles and led to a greater emphasis on individualism and personal freedom.
Collier also highlights the impact of World War I on American culture. The war led to a significant shift in the way that people thought about the world, as many began to question the old order and embrace new ideas. This led to a greater emphasis on personal freedom and individualism, as people sought to assert their own identity and make their mark on the world.
The chapter also explores the impact of new artistic and literary movements on American culture. Collier notes that the early 20th century saw the emergence of new styles of art and literature that challenged traditional norms and values. These movements, such as modernism and surrealism, were often seen as controversial and provocative, but they helped to create a new cultural landscape that was more open and diverse.
In addition to these cultural factors, Collier also notes the impact of technological innovation on American society. The early 20th century saw the emergence of new technologies such as the automobile and the telephone, which helped to break down traditional barriers and create a more interconnected world.
Overall, Collier argues that the decline of Victorianism was a complex and multifaceted process that was driven by a range of cultural, social, and technological factors. The emergence of a new culture that emphasized personal freedom and individualism helped to shape the modern American identity, and laid the groundwork for many of the changes that would come in the decades that followed.
In conclusion, Chapter 11 of "The Rise of Selfishness in America" provides a thought-provoking analysis of the decline of Victorianism and the emergence of a new cultural paradigm in early 20th century America. Through examining various factors such as the rise of consumer culture, changing gender roles, the impact of World War I, artistic and literary movements, and technological innovation, Collier demonstrates how the transition from Victorianism to modernism was a complex and multifaceted process. The chapter provides valuable insights into the cultural and social changes that have shaped modern America, and is a must-read for anyone interested in understanding the evolution of American culture over the past century.
12. Hard Times
This chapter examines the impact of the Great Depression on American society. It begins by noting that the Great Depression was a defining moment in American history, and had a profound impact on the country's social, economic, and political landscape.
Collier argues that the Great Depression was caused by a combination of factors, including the stock market crash of 1929, a decline in agricultural prices, and an increase in international trade barriers. These factors led to a sharp decline in economic activity, as businesses struggled to stay afloat and millions of Americans were left without work.
The chapter explores the impact of the Great Depression on different segments of American society. Collier notes that the Depression hit rural areas particularly hard, as farmers were unable to sell their crops and many were forced to leave their land. The urban poor were also severely affected, as unemployment rose and many families were forced to rely on charity and government assistance to survive.
One of the most striking aspects of the Great Depression was the extent to which it challenged traditional notions of individualism and self-reliance. As Collier notes, the Depression forced many Americans to rely on others for support, and highlighted the importance of collective action in times of crisis. This led to a new emphasis on government intervention in the economy, as President Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal sought to create jobs and provide assistance to those in need.
The chapter also examines the impact of the Depression on American culture. Collier notes that the economic hardship of the Depression led to a new emphasis on practicality and frugality, as people sought to make the most of what they had. The Depression also had a profound impact on American literature and art, as writers and artists sought to capture the social and economic upheaval of the era.
Despite the hardship of the Great Depression, Collier argues that it also had some positive effects on American society. The Depression forced Americans to rethink their assumptions about the role of government in the economy, and led to the creation of new social safety nets that continue to provide support for millions of Americans today. The Depression also challenged traditional gender roles, as women entered the workforce in large numbers and played a key role in the recovery effort.
Overall, Chapter 12 of "The Rise of Selfishness in America" provides a comprehensive analysis of the impact of the Great Depression on American society. Through examining the economic, social, and cultural effects of the Depression, Collier demonstrates how this defining moment in American history helped to shape the country's identity and set the stage for the post-World War II era.
In conclusion, "Hard Times" is a thought-provoking chapter that provides valuable insights into the impact of the Great Depression on American society. By examining the economic, social, and cultural effects of the Depression, Collier demonstrates how this period of hardship helped to shape the country's identity and set the stage for the post-World War II era. The chapter is a must-read for anyone interested in understanding the evolution of American society over the past century.
13. The Surrender to the Media
This chapter explores the increasing influence of the media on American society. The rise of mass media in the twentieth century had a profound impact on American culture, and that this impact was largely negative.
The chapter begins by examining the history of mass media in America. Collier notes that the development of radio, television, and the internet transformed the way that Americans consume information and entertainment. The media became an ever-present force in American life, shaping opinions and influencing behavior in a way that was unprecedented.
Collier argues that the rise of mass media was accompanied by a decline in critical thinking and a surrender to consumerism. He notes that the media's emphasis on entertainment and spectacle often came at the expense of substantive reporting and analysis. This led to a culture that valued sensationalism and surface-level information over deep thought and critical inquiry.
The chapter also explores the impact of the media on politics. Collier argues that the media's influence on politics has been largely negative, as politicians have become more concerned with image and sound bites than with substantive policy proposals. He notes that the media's focus on conflict and drama often leads to a distorted view of politics and a neglect of important issues.
One of the most striking aspects of the media's influence on American culture, according to Collier, is its impact on personal identity. He notes that the media's emphasis on consumerism and materialism has led to a culture that values individualism and self-expression over community and collective action. This has led to a society that is increasingly atomized and fragmented, with individuals seeking to define themselves through their consumption choices.
The chapter also explores the impact of the media on American education. Collier argues that the media's emphasis on entertainment has led to a decline in reading and critical thinking skills among young people. He notes that the internet has made it easier than ever to access information, but that this ease of access has often come at the expense of depth and accuracy.
Despite the negative aspects of the media's influence on American society, Collier notes that there are also positive aspects to consider. He argues that the media has played a key role in promoting social and political change, and that it has given voice to marginalized groups and issues. He also notes that the media has the potential to inform and educate Americans in a way that was not possible before its rise.
Overall, Chapter 13 of "The Rise of Selfishness in America" provides a comprehensive analysis of the impact of mass media on American society. Collier argues that the media's influence has been largely negative, leading to a decline in critical thinking, a surrender to consumerism, and a fragmented and atomized society. However, he also notes that there are positive aspects to consider, and that the media has the potential to inform and educate Americans in a way that was not possible before its rise.
In conclusion, "The Surrender to the Media" is a thought-provoking chapter that provides valuable insights into the impact of mass media on American society. Collier's analysis is nuanced and comprehensive, examining the media's influence on politics, personal identity, education, and more. The chapter is a must-read for anyone interested in understanding the evolution of American culture over the past century.
14. The Incredible Post-war Prosperity
This chapter explores the period of economic growth and prosperity that followed World War II in the United States. This period of prosperity had a profound impact on American culture, leading to a shift towards consumerism and individualism.
The chapter begins by examining the economic conditions that contributed to the post-war prosperity. Collier notes that the war had stimulated the American economy, leading to increased production and employment. The government also invested heavily in infrastructure and education, which helped to fuel economic growth in the post-war period.
Collier argues that the post-war prosperity led to a shift in American values, as people became more focused on material possessions and individual success. He notes that this shift was reflected in the rise of suburbanization and the growth of the middle class. The post-war period also saw the rise of advertising and marketing, which played a key role in promoting consumerism and individualism.
The chapter also explores the impact of the post-war prosperity on American society. Collier notes that the growth of the middle class led to increased social mobility, but also contributed to a sense of isolation and individualism. He argues that the emphasis on material success and individual achievement came at the expense of community and collective action.
One of the most striking aspects of the post-war prosperity, according to Collier, was its impact on gender roles. He notes that the war had opened up new opportunities for women in the workforce, but that these gains were largely lost in the post-war period as women were encouraged to return to traditional roles as wives and mothers. Collier argues that this shift in gender roles had a profound impact on American culture, contributing to a sense of conformity and limiting opportunities for women.
The chapter also explores the impact of the post-war prosperity on race relations in America. Collier notes that the growth of the middle class and the rise of suburbanization were largely limited to white Americans, while African Americans continued to face discrimination and segregation. He argues that the post-war period was a missed opportunity for addressing these issues, as the focus on individualism and material success overshadowed the need for collective action and social justice.
Despite these negative aspects, Collier notes that the post-war period was also a time of progress and innovation. He points to the growth of the civil rights movement and the increasing awareness of environmental issues as examples of positive change.
Overall, Chapter 14 of "The Rise of Selfishness in America" provides a comprehensive analysis of the post-war period and its impact on American culture. Collier argues that the post-war prosperity led to a shift towards consumerism and individualism, which came at the expense of community and collective action. He also notes the missed opportunities for addressing issues of gender and race inequality. However, he acknowledges that the post-war period was also a time of progress and innovation, and that it laid the foundation for important social and political movements in the decades that followed.
In conclusion, "The Incredible Post-war Prosperity" is a fascinating chapter that sheds light on the economic, social, and cultural changes that occurred in the United States in the aftermath of World War II. Collier's analysis is nuanced and thought-provoking, highlighting the complex and sometimes contradictory nature of the post-war period. The chapter is a must-read for anyone interested in understanding the evolution of American culture over the past century.
15. The Triumph of Selfishness
This chapter argues that the 1980s represented a turning point in American culture, with the rise of Reaganomics and the conservative movement solidifying the dominance of selfishness and individualism.
Collier begins the chapter by examining the policies and beliefs of the Reagan administration. He argues that Reaganomics represented a radical departure from the Keynesian economic policies that had dominated American politics since the New Deal. Reagan's focus on deregulation, tax cuts, and free market capitalism, Collier contends, reflected a broader cultural shift towards individualism and self-interest.
Collier then explores the impact of Reaganomics on American society. He notes that the policies led to a significant increase in income inequality, with the wealthiest Americans benefiting the most from the tax cuts and deregulation. The growth of the financial sector also contributed to the rise of a new class of super-rich, further fueling the culture of individualism and materialism.
The chapter also examines the cultural impact of the Reagan era. Collier notes that the rise of conservative Christianity, which had supported Reagan's candidacy, also reinforced the values of individualism and self-interest. The emphasis on personal salvation and prosperity, he argues, reflected a broader cultural shift towards the worship of the self.
Collier also explores the role of popular culture in promoting the values of individualism and selfishness. He notes that the 1980s were characterized by a focus on material possessions, as reflected in the popularity of shows like "Dallas" and "Dynasty." The rise of MTV and music videos also played a significant role in promoting the culture of individualism and consumerism.
The chapter concludes by examining the legacy of the Reagan era. Collier argues that the culture of selfishness and individualism that emerged in the 1980s has continued to dominate American society in the decades since. He notes that the rise of neoliberalism and globalization have only reinforced these values, leading to further increases in income inequality and a growing sense of social fragmentation.
Overall, "The Triumph of Selfishness" is a sobering analysis of the cultural and political trends that have shaped American society over the past few decades. Collier's critique of Reaganomics and the conservative movement highlights the dangers of a society that prioritizes individualism and self-interest over the common good. The chapter is a must-read for anyone interested in understanding the roots of contemporary American culture and politics.
16. The End of Morality
This chapter explores the changing landscape of morality in America, and argues that we are currently in the midst of a moral crisis. It begins by discussing the decline of religion in America, and how this has led to a decline in the importance of traditional moral values. While religion was not the only source of morality in America, it played a significant role in shaping the moral landscape, and that its decline has had a profound impact on our culture.
Collier goes on to discuss the rise of relativism in America, and how this has led to a situation where there is no longer any objective standard of right and wrong. He argues that this has led to a moral vacuum, in which people are free to do whatever they please without fear of moral judgment.
The author also touches on the influence of technology on our moral values, specifically the way that social media has changed the way we communicate and interact with each other. He argues that social media has created a culture of narcissism, where people are more concerned with presenting a certain image of themselves than with actually living up to any kind of moral standard.
Collier then turns to the issue of politics, and how the current political climate in America has contributed to the erosion of morality. He argues that the intense polarization of American politics has led to a situation where people are more concerned with winning than with doing what is right, and that this has led to a breakdown in the moral fabric of our society.
The author also discusses the role of the media in shaping our moral values, arguing that the media is more interested in sensationalism and ratings than in promoting any kind of moral standard. He points out that the media often glorifies immoral behavior, and that this has a profound impact on the way we view the world around us.
Collier concludes by arguing that we are at a crossroads in American history, and that we must make a conscious effort to rebuild our moral framework if we hope to avoid a total collapse of our society. He emphasizes the importance of individual responsibility and the need for people to take ownership of their own moral values, rather than relying on external sources to tell them what is right and wrong.
Overall, chapter 16 of "The Rise of Selfishness in America" offers a thought-provoking analysis of the current state of morality in America. Collier's arguments are well-reasoned and supported by numerous examples, and his call for individual responsibility is both timely and necessary. While the issues he raises are complex and difficult to address, his book is an important contribution to the ongoing discussion about the state of our society and the values that we hold dear.
17. The Institutionalization of Selfishness
This chapter explores how institutions in American society have contributed to the rise of selfishness. It begins by discussing the role of the family in shaping our values, arguing that the traditional nuclear family has declined in importance in recent years, and that this has contributed to the breakdown of traditional values. It notes that divorce rates have risen dramatically, and that single-parent households are now much more common. These changes have led to a situation where children are often raised without a strong moral foundation, and that this has contributed to the rise of selfishness in our society.
The author turns to the role of education in shaping our values, arguing that the focus on standardized testing and achievement has led to a situation where education is no longer about fostering critical thinking and creativity, but rather about producing graduates who are well-equipped to compete in the global economy. He argues that this focus on individual achievement has contributed to the institutionalization of selfishness in our educational system.
Collier also discusses the role of the workplace in shaping our values, arguing that the rise of the corporate culture has contributed to the institutionalization of selfishness. He notes that many corporations have a culture of greed, where profits are more important than people, and where individuals are encouraged to put their own interests above those of the organization as a whole. He argues that this culture has contributed to the rise of income inequality and the erosion of the middle class.
The author also discusses the role of government in shaping our values, arguing that the rise of neoliberalism has contributed to the institutionalization of selfishness. He notes that neoliberalism emphasizes individual freedom and autonomy, and that this has led to a situation where the government is less concerned with promoting the common good than with protecting individual rights. He argues that this focus on individualism has contributed to the rise of inequality and the erosion of social welfare programs.
Collier concludes by arguing that we must work to counter the institutionalization of selfishness if we hope to create a more just and equitable society. He emphasizes the importance of promoting values such as empathy, compassion, and solidarity, and argues that we must challenge the institutions that promote selfishness in order to build a more humane society.
Overall, chapter 17 of "The Rise of Selfishness in America" offers a powerful critique of the institutions that have contributed to the rise of selfishness in our society. Collier's arguments are well-supported by numerous examples, and his call for a more humane society is both timely and necessary. While the issues he raises are complex and difficult to address, his book is an important contribution to the ongoing discussion about the state of our society and the values that we hold dear.
18. The Media Over All
This chapter examines the role that media has played in the rise of selfishness in American society. It begins by discussing the impact that the mass media has had on American culture. The media has become increasingly powerful in shaping our values and beliefs, and that this has contributed to the rise of selfishness. The media has become more focused on sensationalism and entertainment, rather than on informing the public or promoting positive values.
Collier discusses the ways in which the media has contributed to the breakdown of traditional values. He notes that the media often portrays traditional values, such as honesty and hard work, as outdated or irrelevant. He argues that this has led to a situation where people are less likely to believe in these values, and more likely to adopt a selfish and individualistic mindset.
The author then turns to the role of social media in the rise of selfishness. He notes that social media has become an integral part of many people's lives, and that it has contributed to a situation where people are more concerned with projecting a certain image of themselves than with actually living meaningful lives. He argues that this has led to a situation where people are more likely to engage in selfish behavior, as they are more concerned with their own image than with the impact that their actions have on others.
Collier also discusses the ways in which the media has contributed to the rise of consumerism in American society. He notes that advertising has become ubiquitous, and that it often promotes a culture of materialism and instant gratification. He argues that this has led to a situation where people are more concerned with acquiring material possessions than with developing meaningful relationships or contributing to their communities.
The author also discusses the impact that the media has had on politics and public discourse. He notes that the media often focuses on sensationalism and conflict, rather than on substance or policy. He argues that this has led to a situation where people are less informed about important issues, and more likely to adopt extreme positions that are not grounded in reality.
Collier concludes by arguing that we must work to counter the negative influence of the media if we hope to create a more just and equitable society. He emphasizes the importance of promoting values such as honesty, compassion, and critical thinking, and argues that we must challenge the media's focus on sensationalism and entertainment in order to promote more substantive and meaningful public discourse.
Overall, chapter 18 of "The Rise of Selfishness in America" offers a compelling analysis of the ways in which the media has contributed to the rise of selfishness in American society. Collier's arguments are well-supported by numerous examples, and his call for a more thoughtful and substantive public discourse is both timely and necessary. While the issues he raises are complex and difficult to address, his book is an important contribution to the ongoing discussion about the state of our society and the values that we hold dear.
19. The Consequences of Selfishness
This chapter examines the negative impact that the rise of selfishness has had on American society. It begins by discussing the ways in which selfishness has contributed to a breakdown in social trust. He notes that people are less likely to trust one another when they perceive others as being primarily concerned with their own interests. This lack of trust can lead to a range of negative consequences, including social isolation, reduced civic engagement, and increased crime.
The author turns to the impact of selfishness on the economy. He argues that the rise of individualism has contributed to a situation where people are more focused on accumulating wealth than on creating meaningful work or contributing to the common good. This has led to a situation where income inequality is high, and where many people are struggling to make ends meet. Collier notes that the pursuit of material wealth has also contributed to environmental degradation and other negative consequences.
Collier also examines the impact of selfishness on politics and public policy. He notes that the focus on individualism has led to a situation where people are less likely to support policies that benefit the common good. This has contributed to a situation where important public goods, such as education and healthcare, are underfunded and underserved. Collier argues that this focus on individualism has also contributed to a breakdown in democratic institutions, as people are less likely to trust one another and to participate in meaningful civic engagement.
The author also discusses the impact of selfishness on interpersonal relationships. He notes that people who are primarily concerned with their own interests are less likely to form meaningful and lasting relationships with others. This can lead to a range of negative consequences, including loneliness, depression, and anxiety.
Collier concludes by arguing that the consequences of selfishness are significant and far-reaching. He emphasizes the importance of promoting values such as compassion, generosity, and social responsibility in order to create a more just and equitable society. He notes that this will require a concerted effort on the part of individuals, communities, and institutions, and that it will not be easy. However, he argues that the alternative is a society marked by division, distrust, and inequality.
Overall, chapter 19 of "The Rise of Selfishness in America" offers a sobering analysis of the negative consequences of selfishness. Collier's arguments are well-supported by numerous examples, and his call for a more compassionate and socially responsible society is both urgent and necessary. While the challenges he identifies are significant, his book is an important contribution to the ongoing discussion about the state of our society and the values that we hold dear.
The existence in America of a large class of women with a lot of spare time at their disposal was something brand new, which had come into existence, really, only after 1900, and particularly after the end of World War I. There had, of course, always been a class of idle rich women with servants and little to do but amuse themselves, but this group had been very small, perhaps not more than a percentage point or two of the population. Prior to, let us say, 1890, most women were occupied full time by the demands of their families. Farm women routinely worked a ten-to twelve-hour day, much of that time doing hard physical labor like churning butter, milking cows, scrubbing floors, and washing clothes in large tubs. But by the 1920s, through a combination of many things, possibly a quarter of American wives and their daughters had many hours in each day to do with as they chose.
Men, too, were gaining more leisure time. Not only was the work week shorter, but a new invention, the paid vacation, was becoming standard. In the 1890s the vacation, even for high level executives in business, was simply unheard of: everybody worked fifty-two weeks a year, with time off only for the standard holidays-July 4th, Christmas, Thanksgiving, Memorial Day. By the 1920s the paid vacation, a week or two long, "is increasingly common" for white-collar workers. For working people it was still rare. Nonetheless, in Middletown some plants gave foremen a week or so off with pay, and in many factories a worker could take a week off without pay, if he chose. Other plants sometimes simply closed their doors for a week or two in the summer, giving their workers vacations without pay, whether they wanted them or not. The paid vacation was by no means universal in the 1920s, but it was nonetheless a fact of life for millions of Americans.
The effect of the paid vacation on the economy was enormous, for it gave rise to the huge vacation industry that exists today. By the end of the 1920s the American Automobile Association was reporting that some 40 million people were making automobile vacation tours each year. The American bill for foreign travel, at a time when this meant a long journey by ship and therefore usually required more than two weeks away from work, increased from $356 million annually to $898 million. The summer home was now a possibility, and all over America bungalow colonies began to sprout along the shores of lakes, rivers, and oceans.
This massive new leisure time, which in the aggregate ran to-very roughly-something like two billion man hours a week, could not avoid having enormous consequences for the society. And it was coupled with one other phenomenon with even greater effects: the sudden emergence in the 1920s of the automobile as a commonplace in American life. A car, before 1900, was for most people a strange and astonishing sight. According to the Lynds, not until that year was there a real car in Middletown, and as late as 1909, when the automotive industry was coming into its own, there were manufactured in the United States two million horse-drawn carriages. But during the 1910s the car was becoming more common. Then, in World War I millions of American soldiers became familiar with trucks, by driving them, and certainly by riding in them. By 1920 there were 9.2 million cars in the country; by 1925 the number was almost 20 million and by 1930 it was 26.5 million. In 1923 about two-thirds of Middletown's families had cars. In another small town studied by social scientists, "The car became possible and popular in Eno Mills about 1914. In that year the number of cars increased from five or six to twenty or twenty-five, and within five years two-thirds of the families in town were car-owners." The working class was not left out. Working families told researchers that they would rather cut down on food, clothing, even give up home ownership in some cases, in order to own a car. In a number of instances laboring families had no bath tubs but had automobiles. In the 1920s the automobiles became "an accepted essential of normal living."
The consequences of widespread car ownership were large. Previously, working people especially had to walk to work, and therefore had to find homes near the factory, or jobs near their homes. The result was a clustering of people working in a given mill around the factory, which inevitably gave the neighborhood a certain cohesiveness: layoffs, strikes, job problems were the common property of the people in the local saloon or the grocery store. But as working men bought cars they found it worthwhile to look for jobs at greater distances from home, where the pay, or the conditions, might be better, and neighborhoods began to lose their cohesiveness-yet one more force breaking down the old idea of community.
But perhaps more significant was the way that the automobile worked in tandem with the new leisure time, for it presented people with new ways to expend the extra hours. For one thing, one of the major recreational activities of the 1920s was the Sunday automobile ride. It might be a visit to relatives who previously would have been seen mainly on major holidays; it might be a trip to a lake, a mountain, an ocean beach some miles distant, which before had been only a name and a picture on a postcard; it might be a spin in the countryside to see the autumn colors, or simply to escape the noisome city. In the 1920s the car was for most people a new, liberating toy which excited them, and they drove for pleasure almost as much as out of necessity. And to this extent it brought families together, for it was quite customary for parents and children to pile in the car on Sunday afternoon and go for a drive.
But the more general tendency was in the opposite direction. What the car allowed people to do was to pursue activities which they might otherwise have not been able to. A car made it possible to get to golf courses, ski resorts, distant beaches, woodland parks. Country clubs were now closer. It became easier for people living in Brooklyn, or Chicago's Northside, to get to the jazz clubs of Harlem, the South Side, Greenwich Village. Wives could travel considerable distances to meet friends for lunch, tea, bridge, or less seemly activities. The automobile touched on almost everything.
The young in particular seized upon the automobile and made it central to their lives. The Lynds found that car ownership was a social necessity. "Among the high school set, ownership of a car by one's family has become an important criterion of social fitness: a boy almost never takes a girl to a dance except in a car; there are persistent rumors of buying of a car by local families to help their children's social standing in the high school."
But the car had, for the young, more than a status value. Its primary function was to allow adolescents, who were still living at home, and theoretically under the rule of their parents, to escape authority. In an earlier time, when young people traveled by foot, or at best by streetcar, they were almost forced to socialize in neighborhood groups. The tendency, in an earlier day, was for the young to operate in packs, getting up dances, picnics, skating parties among themselves, in which they did not necessarily pair off. The car had limited seating space-we must remember that the inexpensive automobiles most ordinary families bought at the time usually carried only four people comfortably, and if it was a roadster with a rumble seat, two of them were not even comfortable, especially on a cold night. Pairing off became more common. In Middletown the Lynds recognized a "growing tendency to engage in leisure-time pursuits by couples rather than in crowds, the unattached man or woman being more 'out of it' in the highly organized pair social life of today than a generation ago when informal 'dropping in' was the rule."
The automobile was not by itself responsible for the increased tendency to pair off. The growing acceptance of petting, or necking as it came to be called, tended in the same direction, and undoubtedly other factors were at work, all reinforcing the others. But through the 1920s there was a broad movement away from the touring car, which afforded passengers clear views and the smell of fresh air, to the enclosed sedan: in 1919 only 10 percent of cars were sedans; by 1924 it was 43 percent; and in 1927 it was 82.8 percent. The car was no longer a vehicle for sightseeing, but a portable living room, and could be used for eating, drinking, smoking, gossiping, and sex. The Lynds noted that in Middletown, of a group of thirty girls charged with "sex crimes," for nineteen of them it had happened in a car.
The use of the family car not only gave the young a private place in which to carry on private matters, but it allowed them to make forays to distant places miles from the authority of parents, teachers, and chaperons-secluded byways, madhouses, dance halls, and the like. Once they were in the car they were free; and they took every opportunity to get away that they could: over half of Middletown's young were away from home four or more evenings a week.
The effect of the car on the family, then, was centrifugal. "The family is declining as a unit of leisure time pursuits," the Lynds said flatly. Once again, the car alone did not produce a fragmenting of the family; but it made it a lot easier.
It should be clear, then, that the primary use to which Americans put both the automobile and the new leisure was recreation. The bare statistics tell an astonishing story. Half of the 25,000 tennis courts in the United States at the end of the 1920s were built in that decade. The number of golf courses went from 742 in 1916, to 1,903 in 1923, to 5,857 in 1930. Public golf courses soared from 24 in 1910 to 543 in 1931. Between 1927 and 1929 alone the value of golfing equipment rose 71.8 percent. Again, in 1920 there were 25 ski clubs in the United States; in 1930 there were 110. The number of bowling alleys doubled in the 1920s. In 1924 161 cities counted 74,000 softball players in numerous leagues; by 1930, some 344 cities reported 213,000 formally organized players. The number of hunting licenses issued annually in the decade increased by 69 percent, and the value of fishing equipment bought increased 13 percent in the last three years of the decade alone. Cities with public bathing beaches increased from 127 to 218 in the years between 1923 and 1930; Chicago reported doubling of beach use from 1925 to 1930. The number of swimming pools rose by 80 percent from 1923 to 1930, and the registration of motor boats went from 130,000 to 248,000 during the decade. By 1930 docking facilities were "entirely inadequate," and many cities reported serious water pollution problems.
The coming of the automobile spurred a boom in the use of parks and campsites. In the decade of the 1920s the number of state parks tripled. Visitors to the great national parks skyrocketed from 334,000 in 1915 to over 3 million in 1931. Visitors to the national forests soared from 4.8 million to 31.9 million in the decade.
The number of urban parks, too, grew furiously. Between 1907 and 1930 city park acreage zoomed from 76,000 to 258,000, while the urban population rose by 65 percent. Furthermore, there was a change in the nature of parks: whereas in the 19th century they had been meant for the "quiet enjoyment of well-landscaped, wooded places," they were now being turned into entertainment centers. "In a remarkably short period of time urban parks from one end of the country to the other have been equipped with a bewildering array of leisure-time facilities designed to meet the needs of both young and old," among them bandstands, field houses, outdoor theaters, picnic tables, croquet grounds, softball fields, outdoor cooking facilities, lakes for boating and much more. By 1930 cities had invested two billion dollars in their parks.
The Rise of Selfisness in America
James L. Collier
http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0195052773/
Copyright © 1991 by James Lincoln Collier
Published by Oxford University Press, Inc.,
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
1. Self-interest - History-2Oth century.
2. United States-Moral conditions - History-20th century.
1950s American automobile culture
1950s American automobile culture has had an enduring influence on the culture of the United States, as reflected in popular music, major trends from the 1950s and mainstream acceptance of the "hot rod" culture. The American manufacturing economy switched from producing war-related items to consumer goodsat the end of World War II, and by the end of the 1950s, one in six working Americans were employed either directly or indirectly in the automotive industry. The United States became the world's largest manufacturer of automobiles, and Henry Ford's goal of 30 years earlier—that any man with a good job should be able to afford an automobile—was achieved.[1] A new generation of service businesses focusing on customers with their automobiles came into being during the decade, including drive-through or drive-inrestaurants and more drive-in theaters (cinemas).
The decade began with 25 million registered automobiles on the road, most of which predated World War II and were in poor condition; no automobiles or parts were produced during the war owing to rationingand restrictions. By 1950, most factories had made the transition to a consumer-based economy, and more than 8 million cars were produced that year alone. By 1958, there were more than 67 million cars registered in the United States, more than twice the number at the start of the decade.[2]
As part of the U.S. national defenses, to support military transport, the National Highway System was expanded with Interstate highways, beginning in 1955, across many parts of the United States. The wider, multi-lane highways allowed traffic to move at faster speeds, with few or no stoplights on the way. The wide-open spaces along the highways became a basis for numerous billboards showing advertisements.
The dawning of the Space Age and Space Race were reflected in contemporary American automotive styling. Large tailfins,[3] flowing designs reminiscent of rockets, and radio antennas that imitated Sputnik 1 were common, owing to the efforts of design pioneers such as Harley Earl.[4]
Running closely parallel to the rise of vaudeville out of saloon entertainment was another branch of the entertainment industry which has proven to have greater staying power: what we have come to call sports. Modern games were not invented by Americans: most of the games we spend so much time watching and much less time playing were invented by the English in the late 18th and early 19th century. Other contributions were made by the Germans in the early 19th century, especially in the area of gymnastics and field sports, with some contribution from the Swedes. The Canadians developed ice hockey; lacrosse was an American Indian game; and basketball was invented in Springfield, Massachusetts. But it was the English who developed, if they did not invent, the ball games which have figured so largely in the lives of people in the 20th century-tennis, golf, the bat games, the kicking games.
It is significant that one of the most important figures in the development of modern sports was Thomas Arnold, headmaster of Rugby, who was attempting early in the 19th century to reform the English public schools, which had become to an extent debauched in the 18th century. Modern sports, then, were initially a product of the Victorian mentality. For these Victorians, just as the main function of art was not to provide pleasure but to uplift, so the function of sport would not be to amuse but to improve. As people must cultivate their minds and elevate their souls, so they must improve their bodies. People, so the Victorians came to believe, had a duty to keep fit. One ought to play at sports: going out for the team or taking an arduous daily swim came to be seen as a virtue.
This was equally true of the Germans, who were developing the idea of physical training: they saw in gymnastics a spiritual element. From the Victorian point of view it really did not matter who won or lost for the point of the contest was to improve the players both physically and morally; what counted therefore was fair play, honor, and a good physical challenge. Even after sports began to be professionalized in the second half of the nineteenth century, the English insisted on maintaining the distinction between the gentleman amateur, who played for the values in the game itself, and the professional, who was in part an entertainer and whose rewards depended upon winning. A residue of this Victorian attitude continues today in the idea that sports are meant to "build character," which is still given lip service in at least some American colleges and universities. For the Victorians it was a real ideal: sports taught fortitude, loyalty, team spirit, a willingness to endure the hard moments uncomplainingly. It was a time when tennis players would applaud each other's fine shots, and would no more think of throwing a racquet or cursing an umpire than they would of belching at the tea table.
The United States was somewhat behind in adopting the new Victorian sports culture. Americans had, of course, followed the lead of the Europeans, especially the English, in taking up horse racing and the blood sports: not only the gentry, but ordinary farmers liked to bet on horses at backwoods tracks attended by rough country crowds.
But the United States, especially New England, carried into the 19th century a residue of Calvinism that told them that idleness was sin, and play the devil's work. Equally sinful was wagering; and the drunken blood-thirst of the spectators around the cockpit could hardly have been attractive to the religious temper.
Gradually, however, the new Victorian view of sport as having moral and character-building qualities drifted across the Atlantic, and the old objections began to dissipate. The 19th century, says one writer, "was a period of beginnings characterized by the gradual breakdown of traditional prejudices against play and amusements."
The first game to benefit from the new acceptance of sport was what came to be called baseball. It began to develop out of its English predecessors in the 1830s. By 1845 there were written rules, and at the same moment Americans did what they would characteristically do-they professionalized the game. By the time of the Civil War there had come into existence leagues, player organizations, newsletters, committees to coordinate rule changes, and the like. The Civil War itself gave the sport further impetus, as bored soldiers in army encampments got up games to while away empty time, in the process teaching the game to others who did not know it. The baseball game at a Civil War army camp was a common sight. And very quickly after the close of the war baseball became a modern spectator sport with a nationwide following.
Richard D. Mandell, a sports historian, says, "The establishment of 'leagues' under profit-oriented managerial control in the 1870s provided the models for other American sports that later professionalized."
Thereafter it all came in a rush. In the 1870s American colleges began holding track and field events in imitation of the English university competitions. Parimutuel betting was developed in the 1860s and 1870s. The National League in baseball was formed in 1876. Boat racing became popular in the 1870s and 1880s. The first meeting of the League of American Wheelmen came in 1880, the first national tournament of the United States Lawn Tennis Association was held in 1881. Boxing, especially after the arrival of John L. Sullivan as the sport's first great champion, began to draw large audiences. "Western Union paid 50 operators to send out 208,000 words of description following John L.'s fight with Jack Kilrain in New Orleans in 1889. When Jim Corbett beat Sullivan in 1892, 300 saloons and billiard halls in New York alone were supposed to have received the news."
College football-developed out of the rugby game invented at Thomas Arnold's school a half-century earlier-began to attract a large following in the 1880s, and by the 1890s people were referring to a sports craze on American college campuses, with football the dominant game. Symptomatic of the enormous interest in the game was the fact that in 1903 Harvard, with a student body of some 5000, saw fit to provide a concrete stadium which could hold 57,000 people.
And so it went. The United States Golf Association was formed in 1894. The first international track meet was held at Manhattan Field in New York in 1895. The contestants were the New York Athletic Club and the London Athletic Club, and the Americans won all eleven events. Basketball was invented by James A. Naismith in 1891; and by the turn of the century the sport had become a major element in the American culture.
This exploding interest in sports could hardly be ignored by the media. According to the pioneering sports historian John R. Betts, "Sports had merged into such a popular topic of conversation that newspapers rapidly expanded their coverage in the 1880s and 1890s, reiving in great part on messages sent over the [telegraph] lines from distant points." Sporting papers proliferated, and William Randolph Hearst developed for his papers the sports section in the last years of the century. By 1900 baseball players could earn $2,000 annually, as compared with a working man's salary of $700; and by 1910 top players could make $10,000 a year, a very large sum for the time. Says Mandell:
"By the turn of the century American sport had evolved into a pattern or system that was unique. Sports spectatorship and (far less) sports participation, sports business, and sports myth were smoothly integrated into American life. The process had been swift, but it had been natural and had gone much farther than the evolution of sport anywhere else in the world."
Sport inevitably cut across all classes; but there was some tendency, through the 19th century in any case, for it to be a gentleman's activity, at least in certain areas. For one thing, developing a skill at throwing a ball or hitting one with something took practice, and practice required leisure time, which neither the farmers of the earlier part of the century nor the immigrants of the latter part had in much abundance. Certain sports, like sculling, sailboat racing, even bicycling, cost money; others, like tennis and golf, required grounds which needed a lot of upkeep. And only the rich could pursue sports like yachting, automobile racing, and equestrianism. The colleges provided the elite who attended them with leisure time for practice, incentive in the form of status which accrued to successful athletes, and the necessary playing grounds and equipment. Football was, basically, college football; and in the first years of this century fully a quarter of major league baseball players were college graduates, at a time when less than 5 percent of the population had college degrees. Other events, like sculling, swimming, and the track and field sports, were also developed at colleges and are even today dominated by college athletes.
But sport was too attractive to be ignored by the majority of the population, and as it was increasingly professionalized it became a route along which working people could escape from the slums. Most games did not require the participants to speak English very well, or the grasp of American customs and traditions. All you had to know was how the game was played; and if you were good at playing it you could be rewarded. (Blacks, of course, were generally disbarred from joining white leagues and teams, although there were some exceptions, most notably in boxing.) Whatever feeling gentlemen from the colleges felt about allowing the lower orders in, the lower orders came anyway.
By 1910 or so over half of the baseball players were of Irish or German extraction, an over-representation. Boxing, whose first famous hero was the Irishman John D. Sullivan, drew the attention of immigrants, and when the black Jack Johnson won the heavyweight championship, he drew his ethnic fellows to the sport. During World War I the services often used boxing as a training device; through their wartime service men of all classes became familiar with the sport, which helped to give it more general acceptance; now the middle class could enjoy it. Class lines were being crossed in both directions; it is probably safe to say that in this respect sport has become, especially since the admission of blacks to the main leagues, one of the most democratic aspects of American culture.
It hardly needs to be said that modern sports, like vaudeville, were a product of the industrial city. Like "vaudeville, sports needed a mass audience within easy traveling distance of the playing fields. It needed mass transit systems, and a lot of sports grounds were established at the ends of the trolley lines which were then reaching out to city limits. Financiers backing the electrical streetcars at times actually invested in the building of baseball parks at the end of the streetcar lines during the 1880s and 1890s. John R. Betts says, "At the turn of the century the popular interest in athletic games in thousands of towns and cities was stimulated to a high degree by the extension of rapid transit systems."
Sports also needed railroad lines to carry teams from city to city: most leagues were built around intercity, not intracity, rivalries: it was New York against Boston or Chicago, not the East Side against the West Side. When two teams existed in one city, as they often did in the biggest cities, they were usually distributed into different leagues, and did not compete directly. In addition, railways were needed to bring spectators, often in the tens of thousands, to isolated events, like championship fights, boat races, national track meets.
The telegraph, and later the telephone, helped to popularize sports by providing results instantly: in small towns around the country newspaper offices often posted inning by inning scores of important baseball games in their windows. Says Betts, "By 1900 sport had attained an unprecedented prominence in the daily life of millions of Americans and
this remarkable development had been
achieved in part through the steamboat,
the railroad, the telegraph, the penny press,
the electric light, the streetcar, the camera,
the bicycle, the automobile, and the mass
production of sporting goods."
Modern sport was tight in the embrace of modern technology.
Abetting the rise of sports was the belief, widely held by reformers in the Progressive period, that a good deal of the disorder in the slums was the direct result of a lack of recreation for young people.
One of the great functions of the settlement houses was to provide decent occupations for the young, and to this end they formed bands and orchestras, drama groups, clubs and classes of all kinds. Sports were seen as ideal in this respect, for not only did it occupy spare time that might otherwise have been given over to shoplifting or sexual experimentation, but it expended a lot of the restless energy which, so it was believed, often drove the young into unsavory activities for lack of anything else to do with it. Basketball was invented in 1891 precisely to provide a physically active indoor game which could be played in bad weather, especially in the northern cities with their hard winters.
All through the period playgrounds, softball fields, running tracks, were built with public funds. "Indeed, among the masses of Americans," Mandell says, "sports came to be considered a civic obligation . . . The Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA) led the way in proposing organized training and team games as methods for absorbing the idle time of poor city boys and instilling in them habits of good hygiene, self-discipline and respect for officials . . . Urban settlement houses and eventually churches also promoted the standard American sports because they presumably developed leadership and built character." It was not just boys, however; girls' basketball, track, and other teams became common even in small towns. The vast system of school sports which we now take for granted was a product of this attitude.
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The Rise of Selfisness in America
James L. Collier
http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0195052773/
Copyright © 1991 by James Lincoln Collier
Published by Oxford University Press, Inc.,
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
1. Self-interest - History-2Oth century.
2. United States-Moral conditions - History-20th century.
https://www.filmsforaction.org/watch/behind-the-shield-the-power-and-politics-of-the-nfl/
........book review 1992
The Rise of Selfishness in America. James Lincoln Collier. Oxford, $24.95.
How did a prudish, hardworking, God-fearing country become, in a mere half-century or so, a republic of hedonists and narcissists addicted to drugs, alcohol, television, sports, vacations, gossip, fast cars, and slow work? Two ways, according to James Lincoln Collier: gradually and then suddenly. Like Virginia Woolf, Collier thinks that human character changed sometime around December 1910, although in the case of the American character he comes up with a pivotal year of 1912 by factoring in such events as Freud's lectures at Clark University in 1909 and the 1913 Armory Show in New York. From this moment on, Collier traces the demise of Victorian morality as embodied in such ideals as conformity to community standards, self-denial, temperance, and the work ethic. After sketching pastoral, pre-industrial Jeffersonian America, he goes on to document, through the rise of the city and waves of immigration, a broad, slow movement "towards increasing permissiveness in sexuality, wider acceptance of the consumption of alcohol as a human norm, greater involvement with the entertainment media, and in general, a continued insistence on the primacy of the self. By contrast, in the early seventies there was a swing politically to the right, the ending of post-war prosperity, and a dramatic upward surge in selfishness which very quickly became so gross as to effect a qualitative change in American life."
The sudden acceleration of self-interest putatively occurred in 1973, signaled by the first appearance of public hair in Playboy (Marilyn Chambers in the tub, in a pose that hinted at autoeroticism--two taboos for the price of one). Collier's date is actually not as arbitrary as it seems: He marshals a good deal of data to support the notion that the social, sexual, and pharmacological revolutions of hip sixties youth were adopted by the masses in the seventies. Certainly, by the mid-seventies, the midwestern construction worker who was beating up hippies in '68 had grown his hair out, donned bell bottoms, and started smoking Kalamazoo Gold on his lunch break.
The date also suggests that even though the Republican dynasty established by Nixon seemed to signal a recrudescence of "traditional values," the ethic of selfishness was merely hiding out. When the time was right, it hopped into its BMW and went into fifth gear under former actor Ronald Reagan, a divorce ostensibly committed to religion and family who neither attended church nor doted on his offspring.
A Kinsey Institute study completed in 1970 concluded, "Our data have shown that patterns of sexual morality in 1970 tended to be quite conservative. The findings do not support the contention that a sexual revolution . . . is now occuring in the United States." About half of surveyed Americans at that time believed that premarital sex was wrong under any circumstances. Now, of course, only Pat Buchanan and Pat Boone cling to such a belief. Meanwhile, another study found cocaine and marijuana use doubled among 12- to 17-year-olds between 1972 and 1974.
Collier attributes the triumph of the sex, drugs, and rock-and-roll ethic in part to the prosperity that followed World War II. The dog licks his genitals, in other words, because he can. He also blames television, the human-potential movement, and the sapping of American morale in the wake of Vietnam and Watergate.
A blend of social, cultural, and economic history, The Rise of Selfishness reads like a kind of mournful survey of the triump of modernism, a sort of inverse replay of one's introductory liberal arts courses where the heroes--see Joyce shatter the tyranny of Edwardian social conventions and Victorian narrative conventions--are cast as unwitting villains, contributors to the decline and fall of the American character. In his broad survey of the fine and popular arts, Collier occasionally and understandably forgets which side he's on, exulting, at one point, at the way in which Manet's blatant Olympia "ripped the skin from Victorian prurience." An authority on the history of jazz, he is more illuminating on the development of popular music and dance than he is on literature and the visual arts.
If Collier sounds vague at some points, criminally obvious at others, and frequently like an Ayn Randian reactionary, he reveals himself in the final chapter to be a disciple not only of Jefferson but also of John Kenneth Galbraith. He idealizes the small, rural villages of the last century, with their communal ethic, and wonders how we might begin again to put the public good ahead of the private. Like Galbraith in The Affluent Society, the calls for a more active government and a far higher ratio of public spending to private consumption.
The money is there for cleaner air, more reliable subways, larger drug rehabilitation programs, and all the rest of it--if we want these things. But we will have to give up something to get them. It is a very simple equation: Parents who vote for candidates who promise to hold down taxes are ensuring that their children will have available to them a rich smorgasbord of drugs to choose from. Big city dwellers who vote for such candidates are making it certain that murderers will be released back onto the streets from overcrowded prisons. Suburbanites who vote down town budgets . . . are guaranteeing that the problems of the inner cities which they fled will presently come out of the ghettos and camp on their doorsteps."
Harsh words indeed. Fortunately the rest of us can't hear because we're watching "Monday Night Football" or "Entertainment Tonight."
COPYRIGHT 1992 Washington Monthly Company
https://www.thefreelibrary.com/The+Rise+of+Selfishness+in+America.-a012088281
Constructing Tin Pan 1 Alley: From Minstrelsy to Mass Culture
Minstrelsy appeared at a time when songwriting and music publishing were dispersed throughout the country and sound recording had not yet been invented. During this period, there was an important geographical pattern in the way music circulated. Concert music by foreign composers intended for elite U.S. audiences generally played in New York City first and then in other major cities.
In contrast, domestic popular music, including minstrel music, was first tested in smaller towns, then went to larger urban areas, and entered New York only after suc- cess elsewhere. Songwriting and music publishing were similarly dispersed.
New York did not become the nerve center for indigenous popular music until later in the nineteenth century, when the previously scattered conglomeration of songwriters and publishers began to converge on the Broadway and 28th Street section of the city, in an area that came to be called Tin Pan Alley after the tinny output of its upright pianos. These talented songwriters and indefatigable publishers, who would go on to dominate mainstream popular music until the post–World War II period, were attuned to every nuance of cultural variation the United States had to offer. And during their reign, they would encounter all of the new technologies—sound recording, talking films, radio, and televi- sion—that would come to define mass culture.
https://www.pearsonhighered.com/assets/samplechapter/0/2/0/5/0205956807.pdf